Is Pakistan’s military tightening its grip on power with a ‘soft coup’?

As regional tensions spike following a deadly
terror attack in Jammu & Kashmir that killed 26 people, Pakistan has made a bold and controversial move — one that experts say may signal a military power grab veiled as a security realignment.

Lieutenant General Muhammad Asim Malik, the current Director General of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), has now been
appointed as the country’s National Security Adviser (NSA), marking the first time in Pakistan’s history that a serving ISI chief holds both positions concurrently.

The position of National Security Adviser in Pakistan had remained vacant since April 2022, when the previous NSA, Dr Moeed Yusuf, exited following the collapse of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) government.

Traditionally, the NSA was a civilian position that reported to the Prime Minister, acting as the focal point for strategic policy and security matters, including sensitive backchannel negotiations with India.

With Malik’s appointment, that structure has undergone a dramatic transformation. Although he will technically operate under the constitutional umbrella of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s office, Malik will now report directly to the
Chief of Army Staff, General Asim Munir.

This formalises a chain of command where strategic affairs — including diplomacy, intelligence coordination and crisis response — are now under the full control of the Pakistan Army. It also eliminates any ambiguity about where the real authority lies, particularly concerning bilateral communication with India.

The Print reported that according to two senior intelligence officials familiar with the decision, Malik’s elevation is also intended to reopen covert diplomatic channels with India, similar to those held in Bangkok in 2016 between India’s NSA Ajit Doval and retired Lt Gen Nasser Khan Janjua, and later during 2020–21 with Moeed Yusuf.

What we know about Malik

Lt Gen Asim Malik is widely considered one of the most trusted and capable officers in Pakistan’s military. Born into a military family in Punjab, he is the son of retired Lt Gen Ghulam Muhammad Malik, a former Corps Commander who left service in 1995.

Malik was commissioned into the 12th Baloch Regiment — his father’s unit — in 1989, and was awarded the prestigious Sword of Honour upon graduating from the Pakistan Military Academy.

Over his career, Malik has held several critical operational and administrative positions. He has commanded both an Infantry Division in Balochistan and an Infantry Brigade in Waziristan — regions beset by complex internal security challenges.

His academic credentials are equally extensive: he is a graduate of the US Army’s Fort Leavenworth, the Royal College of Defence Studies in the UK and holds a PhD in US-Pakistan relations from the National Defence University in Islamabad.

Before becoming ISI chief in October 2024 — replacing Lt Gen Nadeem Anjum — Malik served as the Adjutant General (AG) at the General Headquarters (GHQ), where he was responsible for legal and disciplinary oversight.

Notably, this included directing the 2023 crackdown on PTI members and supporters following protests against the military’s role in former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan’s removal from power. His involvement in that period has cemented his image as a hardliner with unambiguous loyalty to the current military leadership.

A government notification read: “Lt Gen Muhammad Asim Malik HI (M), DG (I), shall hold the additional charge of the National Security Adviser, with immediate effect.” This formalised his dual role at the heart of both Pakistan’s intelligence apparatus and national security policymaking.

Who is handling the situation – Islamabad or Pak military?

Pakistan’s strategic calculus with India has long oscillated between overt military posture and covert diplomatic engagement. With Malik now in charge of both ISI and NSA offices, those two aspects will be merged under one roof, allowing for swift policy execution and unified messaging.

Critics argue that this centralisation of power has effectively pushed the civilian leadership into the background. “Appointing the ISI chief as NSA hands the military a blank check to dictate terms, not just on security but in backchannel talks with India,” The Times of India quoted a former diplomat, expressing concern that this could further marginalise democratic institutions in Pakistan.

The timing of this consolidation—so soon after the Pahalgam attacks—suggests that General Munir is intent on controlling the narrative and diplomatic response. Malik’s appointment gives him the apparatus to direct both overt and covert engagements with India without internal contestation from the civilian side.

For India, the message is equally clear: future engagements on de-escalation, crisis management, or peace processes will be handled by the Pakistan Army not its political leadership.

This complicates the prospects for diplomacy, as military-to-military contact channels typically lack the nuance required for sustained political negotiations.

How Pak military continues to erode democracy in Pakistan

The decision has ignited debates within Pakistan about the continuing erosion of democratic authority. On platforms like X (formerly Twitter), public reaction has been sharply divided.

Some users described Malik’s elevation as a “soft coup,” while others viewed it as a necessary strategic measure amid India’s increasingly assertive military posture.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s statement following the Pahalgam attack —
promising “complete operational freedom” to India’s armed forces — has added to the urgency of Islamabad’s power shift.

However, many in Pakistan view the move as less a response to India and more a symptom of a long-standing internal power imbalance.

The military’s pervasive role in governance is not new, but Malik’s appointment gives that control an institutional sheen that even previous military governments did not formalise through simultaneous roles.

The roots of military dominance in Pakistan stretch back decades. Since at least 1957, the country’s armed forces have effectively directed national policy, often sidelining or toppling elected governments.

The military has also cultivated its legitimacy by aligning with religious narratives, presenting itself as the guardian of both national