The ideologies of the RSS and B.R. Ambedkar can be called 2 opposite poles of the Indian political spectrum. While Ambedkar represented the annihilation of caste, had a hard time for democratic worths and marched towards social justice, the RSS means the status quo and the revival of the hierarchical worth system of pre-modern times. It is paradoxical that in spite of these core contradictions, RSS ideologues attempt to make a program of paying regard to Ambedkar in different online forums, consisting of commemorating his birth anniversary. In a method, it was not unexpected when RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat in his yearly Vijyadashami speech on October 24 called upon his fans to check out speeches of Ambedkar, especially the last 2 speeches provided by him in the Constituent Assembly. Bhagawat went to the degree of putting Ambedkar in the very same classification as RSS creator and very first sarsanghchalak (chief) K.B. Hedgewar. Normally, the action of RSS types to Ambedkar’s mission for equality has actually been to oppose his efforts at an ideological level under the attire of ‘our remarkable past’. The battle for social justice which at first came up in the kind of the ‘Non-Brahmin Movement’ in the Nagpur location of Vidarbha was one of the significant factors for the landlord-Brahmin alliance of this area to form RSS. In Maharashtra, this alliance is called Shetji-Bhatji. The Dalit awakening started with Jyotirao Phule who had a hard time to open schools for oppressed castes. It was supported and boosted by Ambedkar beginning the paper Mooknayak in 1920 and the Bahujan Hitkarini Sabha in 1923. These may have included greatly to the awakening. Later on in his pursuit of social justice Ambedkar arranged the Chavdar Tale Satyagraha (access to public drinking water for Dalits) in 1927 and the Kalaram Temple entry motion in 1930. The RSS itself is never ever understood to have actually stepped forward to support these motions of Babasaheb. Amongst upper caste leaders, it was just Gandhi who used up the concern of caste most seriously and dedicated time to enhancing the predicament of Dalits in the years after the Poona Pact of 1932. The RSS was propagating the concept of a Hindu rashtra. V.D. Savarkar was at the leading edge of the theory of the two-nation theory, the Hindu Nation and the Muslim Nation. This Hindu country theory propagated by the RSS came under serious criticism from Ambedkar as he composed: “Strange as it might appear, Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah, rather of being opposed to each other on the one country versus 2 countries concern, remain in total arrangement about it. Both concur not just concur, however firmly insist that there are 2 countries in India– one the Muslim country and the other the Hindu country.” [Thoughts on Pakistan (1940)]
Ambedkar was absolutely opposed to the idea of a Hindu Nation. “If Hindu Raj does end up being a truth, it will, no doubt, be the best catastrophe for this nation … Hindu Raj need to be avoided at any expense,” he composed in Pakistan or the Partition of India (1946, pages 354-355). He protested majoritarianism, which in the Indian context implied the unchecked guideline of the bulk neighborhood, the Hindus. This is the present dominant ideology of the RSS led by Bhagwat as Narendra Modi has actually stepped forward to safeguard it by asking what is incorrect with
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